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Superintendencia de Competencia
Competencia

VICTORIA JUDICIAL A FAVOR DE LOS CONSUMIDORES

Por: Gabriela Flores*

Recientemente, la Superintendencia de Competencia (SC) dio a conocer una victoria judicial que sentó importantes precedentes en nuestro país: el 23 de mayo del 2017 la Sala de lo Contencioso administrativo de la Corte Suprema de Justicia (CSJ) confirmó la legalidad de lo actuado por dicha institución en el procedimiento administrativo en contra de las empresas harineras Molsa y Harisa, quienes el 4 de septiembre de 2008 fueron sancionados por infringir la Ley de Competencia (LC) mediante un acuerdo anticompetitivo[1], imponiéndoseles una multa que en total sumó un poco más de USD$4 millones.

Durante el procedimiento de investigación la SC comprobó que Molsa y Harisa acordaron repartirse el mercado fijando sus cuotas de ventas en un 55% para Molsa y en un 45% para Harisa. En palabras sencillas, lo que estas harineras convinieron fue renunciar a competir y, en su lugar, acordaron repartirse las ganancias del mercado de manera anticipada y sin ningún esfuerzo, ya que ambas representaban casi el 100% del mercado en el periodo sancionado.

Al margen de las implicaciones jurídicas de este precedente, amerita hacer un esfuerzo, primero, para comprender la lógica económica de estos ilícitos; y, segundo, para explicar lo que esta victoria significa para los salvadoreños.

Es un hecho que para coludir las empresas necesitan contar con mucha información estratégica de sus competidores (ventas, precios, clientes, etc.), la cual debe ser intercambiada previa y posteriormente a la adopción del acuerdo. Sabemos que de manera posterior, es necesaria la información para monitorear y verificar el cumplimiento y respeto de lo acordado; pero, en el caso del intercambio de información previo al acuerdo, esto es fundamental para el nacimiento del mismo, ya que se requiere conocer de antemano el punto de equilibrio del cartel a partir del cual cada uno de los involucrados obtendrá una ganancia por encima del nivel competitivo, es decir, que la ganancia esperada por participar en el acuerdo debe ser superior a la que podrían obtener los involucrados por sí mismos, si decidieran competir. Esta valoración es fundamental para comprender el incentivo de una empresa para involucrarse en un acuerdo de este tipo: ninguna empresa buscará participar en un cartel si esto significa perder, o en su defecto, ganar menos de lo que podría hacerlo por sí misma[2].

Con base en esta valoración de costo-beneficio es que Molsa y Harisa decidieron coludir en lugar de competir, al determinar que obtendrían mayores ganancias si se repartían el mercado en esa proporción, aun y cuando esto fuera en perjuicio de los consumidores y del país. Cabe destacar que, en el registro de allanamiento realizado a dichas empresas, la SC encontró prueba directa de que estas habían compartido información estratégica durante muchos años[1], y que, además, ambas habían creado un mecanismo de compensación (de US$5 por quintal vendido en exceso), a través del cual equilibraban sus cuotas a lo pactado.

Por otra parte, si Molsa y Harisa decidieron no luchar por incrementar sus cuotas en el mercado, surge la interrogante: ¿por qué sí lo harían en precios?. El razonamiento anterior, a mi criterio, revela el papel del precio en el éxito de este cartel, ya que, si las harineras hubiesen decidido competir en precios, ambas habrían arriesgado alcanzar las cuotas acordadas y el cartel habría fracasado. En ese sentido, la lógica económica apunta a que el éxito del reparto de cuotas pendía, a su vez, de no competir en precios. Respecto de la posible existencia de un acuerdo de precios entre las harineras, en el procedimiento aludido la SC no logró encontrar evidencia contundente que sustentara su existencia en aquel entonces.

Ahora bien, ¿qué implicaciones tuvo esta renuncia a competir para los consumidores? La respuesta inmediata es una pérdida, debido a que se anularon sus posibilidades de elección. En otras palabras, el acuerdo adoptado limitó artificialmente las posibilidades de consumo de harina de trigo de los salvadoreños. Esto tiene una connotación cualitativa más que cuantitativa, sin embargo, podemos hacer una estimación más cuantitativa a través de los posibles efectos del reparto en el precio de venta de la harina de trigo.

La doctrina y los estudios internacionales concluyen que los acuerdos anticompetitivos producen un sobreprecio o pago en exceso sobre el precio de venta de los productos a los consumidores, que puede rondar entre un 10% y un 25%. Así, aquellos consumidores que habrían comprado en el 2008 una bolsa de harina de trigo fuerte de 50 lbs., a un precio promedio de USD$20, habrían pagado en exceso por esta, como producto del acuerdo ilícito entre Molsa y Harisa, entre USD$2 a USD$5. Si asumimos que dichos consumidores compraron 2 bolsas de harina al mes, este sobreprecio se traduciría en un exceso anual de USD$48 a $120 por consumidor[2].

Al multiplicar este excedente por el total de salvadoreños que habrían consumido, durante el periodo sancionado, productos derivados de la harina de trigo, y que forman parte de la canasta básica alimenticia de muchos hogares (pan francés y dulce, pastas, repostería, pizzas, etc.), las cifras resultan alarmantes. Si actualizamos los datos utilizados por la SC en la resolución del caso sancionado en el 2008[1], vemos que, según la Encuesta de Hogares y Propósitos Múltiples (EHPM)[2], al 2013 el gasto promedio mensual de pan francés por hogar ha incrementado en un 23% desde el 2007. En el 2014, la misma encuesta reportó un total de 560,667 hogares que representan un gasto anual de USD$7,2 millones en pan francés. Estos hogares representarían un aproximado de 2.1 millones de salvadoreños que consumen pan, y que habrían pagado el sobreprecio estimado durante todo el periodo que Molsa y Harisa habrían tenido la “expectativa” de que la CSJ fallara a su favor (8 años).

Cabe agregar en las implicaciones, el daño que de igual forma se ocasionó al país. Los carteles representan una reducción en el nivel de producción de la industria. Al coludir, las harineras sancionadas no tuvieron incentivos para incrementar su producción, pues sus ganancias estaban repartidas de antemano, tal como se explicó. Esto generó una ineficiencia en la economía que impactó directa y negativamente en el crecimiento del producto interno bruto (PIB), y en el crecimiento de otras industrias que requieren la harina de trigo como un insumo clave para la producción de sus bienes.

Estimar una cuantificación exacta del daño a los salvadoreños, a la fecha, es difícil; sin embargo, espero que los lectores se lleven una noción del grave perjuicio que ocasionan este tipo de conductas, y del mayor daño que puede generarse si la CSJ no efectúa un oportuno y pronto pronunciamiento respecto de las sanciones impuestas por la SC que han sido impugnadas a la fecha. Asimismo, que la población salvadoreña repare en la importancia de la competencia, y en la necesidad de un cambio cultural hacia competir en los mercados, dejando a un lado los compadrazgos e incentivos perversos que afectan nuestra economía que tanto necesita crecer.

Pero no todo es negativo. Existen varios aspectos positivos que recalcar de esta victoria: La sentencia emitida por la Sala de lo Contencioso abona a la credibilidad y confianza en el trabajo de la SC, quien durante 11 años de su existencia ha velado por proteger la competencia; este espaldarazo muestra que la administración pública también es capaz de luchar tenazmente por cumplir con su misión, garantizando la legalidad de sus actos. Además, y por primera vez, la Fiscalía General de la Republica (FGR) activó la ejecución efectiva del cobro de las multas firmes no pagadas a la fecha, comenzando con Molsa, quien el pasado 19 de julio fue embargada debido a que, luego de 8 años y una sentencia firme, se rehusó a pagar por la infracción cometida. Esta última acción de la FGR es fundamental en la disuasión del cometimiento de prácticas anticompetitivas en El Salvador, y abona al fortalecimiento de la institucionalidad y funcionamiento de la SC.

[1] Disponible en el siguiente enlace de la aplicación casos en línea: http://app.sc.gob.sv/caso.php?id=74.
[2] Encuesta publicada por la Dirección general de Estadísticas y Censos (Digestyc) en su sitio web: http://www.digestyc.gob.sv/.

[1] Los acuerdos entre competidores se encuentran tipificados en el Art. 25 de la LC, y son también denominados de varias formas, entre otros como: cárteles, colusión, prácticas concertadas, prácticas absolutas, etc.
[2] No obstante esta reflexión sobre la lógica económica de los acuerdos entre competidores es importante mencionar que la LC no valora este tipo de elementos para su sanción, es decir, que la SC no requiere demostrar cuál fue el incentivo de sus participantes o los efectos del acuerdo para comprobar la existencia de la infracción; por el contrario, y debido a la regla bajo la cual se analizan estas infracciones en nuestro país (regla per se), independientemente de las motivaciones o justificaciones de sus miembros, o de si existieron o no efectos dañinos en el mercado, estas infracciones son prohibidas de manera absoluta debido a su naturaleza contraria a la competencia.

[1] Sabemos que la conducta ilícita se sancionó por un periodo de 2 años (2006-2008), sin embargo, la SC encontró indicios que la conducta habría estado siendo cometida, incluso, desde antes de la existencia de la LC y la SC, específicamente desde el 2003.
[2] Este excedente hipotético se encontrará sujeto a la cantidad de bolsas de harina de trigo que el consumidor haya comprado en el transcurso del tiempo establecido, y al precio de venta que este haya pagado efectivamente. Al revisar los datos de los precios monitoreados por el observatorio de precios de la Defensoría del Consumidor (http://observatoriodeprecios.gob.sv/) se advierte que, para el periodo 2012-2016, el precio promedio fue de $18.92 por bolsa de 50 libras de las marcas producidas por Molsa y Harisa.

[1] Disponible en el siguiente enlace de la aplicación casos en línea: http://app.sc.gob.sv/caso.php?id=74.

[1] Encuesta publicada por la Dirección general de Estadísticas y Censos (Digestyc) en su sitio web: http://www.digestyc.gob.sv/.

 

  • La autora es economista, graduada de maestría en derecho de empresas. Con experiencia en mercados eléctricos y regulados. Actualmente es Coordinadora de la Unidad de Prácticas Anticompetitivas de la Intendencia de Investigaciones de la Superintendencia de Competencia.

Las ideas expresadas en este artículo son del autor y no representan, en ningún momento, la postura de la SC.

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